DVABPsi Family,

Please remember to pay your 2025 dues and to get your certificates for your earned CEs.  You must get your Child Abuse CEs elsewhere.  We have not applied for approval yet.  I recommend Wild Iris Medical Education.  You take the course, pass the exam and then pay for the course and receive your certificate immediately.  It is approved by the PA Psychology Board and a number of other boards.

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Continuing Education Courses for Occupational Therapy

 

September is designated as Suicide Month.  We recognize this month with an article about suicide for our September edition of Directions.  We will also present a 3 hour Mbongi on suicide.

 

BLACK SUICIDE: A CULTURALLY SPECIFIC REACTION

Ayo Maria Gooden, Ph.D., ABPBC, LLC

September 2025

 

The following is an excerpt from Black Suicide: Prodromal Signs Using the Psychological Autopsy By Maria D Casey (AKA Dr. Ayo Maria Gooden), November 18,1980.  A Thesis submitted to the division of graduate education and research of the University of Cincinnati impartial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, BA Lincoln University, PA 1974.

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INTRODUCTION

With the beginning of the 1970s came in awareness of a serious health problem among Black Americans-death by suicide.  According to the official records of the US Bureau of the Census, 1978 between 1965 and 1976 there was a 60% increase in the annual number of Black suicides.  The seriousness of this problem was further highlighted when it was noted that the majority of these suicides were occurring among young Blacks between the ages of 20 and 35. These findings sparked a great deal of interest in Black suicide for two reasons; 1) there was a prevailing belief that Blacks did not commit suicide and 2) it was well documented that the suicide rate Increased with age. These two assumptions were challenged when the death records indicated that the rate of suicide among young Blacks was at epidemic levels.  The nature of the discrepancies between the more established beliefs and the newly reported findings may be better understood if they are examined in terms of how these assumptions were established and their consequences. A brief review of the suicide literature, especially as it relates to Blacks, will be presented to meet this end. The review will include an examination of the profiles of the symptoms used to suggest high to low suicide risk. In addition, some of the methodological problems encountered by researchers will be addressed. This study was concerned with the examination and identification of variables among Blacks which may be warning signs of incurring suicide.

 

Low rate

Prior to the 1970s, suicide among Blacks was seldom addressed. One explanation of this was that the rate of suicide among Blacks was too small for a statistical analysis. During this time, the low rate of suicide was attributed to basic characterological deficits reported to be inherent in all Blacks (Farber, 1968 and O’Dea, 1882).  Blacks were presumably immune to suicide because of a “happy go lucky” personality. When Blacks did commit suicide, it was noted that they were not “pure” ethnically. Those Blacks who committed suicide reportedly had some Caucasian blood which allegedly accounted for the ability to worry or feel depressed (O’Dea, 1882 and Prudhomme, 1938). The implication was that as Blacks became mixed with Caucasians their suicide rate would increase. This belief was never substantiated by empirical research. However, it was widely accepted by those who studied suicide.

 

Thus, the low rate of suicide among Blacks was not studied because it was inaccurately described as resulting from undesirable personality characteristics. More recently it was suggested that the low rate of suicide among Blacks was related to the low economic status of most Blacks (Farber, 1968 and Holmes, 1977). Blacks were supposedly so busy worrying about obtaining the “bare essentials” such as food and shelter that there was no time to be given to neurotic concerns such as the loss of prestige. Suicide was considered associated with both money and intelligence not because of any empirical studies but solely on the basis of rates being reportedly higher among Caucasians. Suicide was described as a problem among the more affluent (Woodford, 1965). Blacks, the majority of whom were poor, were reportedly not given to disappointment because Blacks had been conditioned not to expect much. When Blacks did not receive much, Blacks were not disappointed.

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According to these “experts” long as Blacks were poor and oppressed by whites, the Black suicide rate would remain low. The reported increase in the Black suicide rate was presumed to be an indication of both upward mobility according to Holmes (1977) and a decrease in racial discrimination (Prudhomme, 1938).  However, Carl Rowan (1980) and Robert Staples (1975) examined both the economic status of Blacks and racial discrimination.  They found that, contrary to popular belief, Blacks were not improving their economic status and were in fact losing ground that was gained in the 1960s. Consistent with this finding was the view that racial discrimination had not decreased. Racial discrimination had become more institutionalized and more difficult to eradicate. Holmes (1977) suggested that the illusion of greater opportunities had placed added pressure on Blacks. More Blacks reportedly believed that they had equal opportunities to get ahead and internalized failures, which more frequently resulted in suicide. 

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Paradoxically, there did not seem to be very much consideration given to the idea that a low rate of suicide among Blacks may have been indicative of effective adaptive behavior. Notwithstanding, Comer (1973) and Bush (1976) reported that the Black community has acted as a support system despite negative experiences in the larger society. Blacks have been able to give and receive positive experiences through interpersonal relationships and group activities. According to Nichols (1979) and Bush (1976), Blacks operate according to a culture specific value system. Blacks are, by tradition, oriented towards interpersonal relationships. Blacks placed more importance on how significant others (family, loved ones, friends, etc.) relate to them and vice versa.

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The Black Church has traditionally been the center of religious and social activities.  The church has provided a place to meet and discuss with friends, daily events and personal problems. Those problems which could not be shared with church members were shared with God. Strong faith in God was therapeutic because it provided both support and hope (Comer, 1973).

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The decrease in suicide rates among older Blacks has been attributed to the way in which their experience is utilized within the Black community. Blacks traditionally maintain extended families. The older family members such as grandparents function as surrogate parents, cooks, housekeepers, and consultants on family matters. It is not uncommon to see family members living under the same roof until death removes them from the home (a tradition which has provided both economic and emotional support). This seems to be different from the western tradition of nuclear families and homes for the elderly (Seiden, 1979).

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Some social scientists have linked the traditions of American Blacks to African traditions. They have noted that some of the African traditions have rather instinctively been maintained in some form by American Blacks (Freeland, 1978). Consistent with this hypothesis Bohannon (1960) found that strong traditional group ties acted as buffers against suicide in Africa.

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It had been suggested that the Western Society itself, was in conflict, with some of the more traditional Black support systems. For example, the extended family structure has not been rewarded in western systems. There have been no tax breaks nor money awarded to welfare recipients who house and care for members outside of the nuclear family or over a specified age limit.

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If strong ties with family and community acted as a deterrent to suicide, then the reported increase may have been indicating a breakdown between Blacks and the Black community (Bush, 1976; Comer, 1973). When these crucial relationships no longer existed, the individual may have become totally alienated from both loved ones and the Black community and this dilemma may have been solved via suicide (Bush, 1976; Davis, 1979). The various views mentioned above were all based on the premise that there was in fact an increase in the suicide rate for Blacks. Consistent with this assumption, the majority of the literature reflects the general supposition that high suicide rates among Blacks Were relatively recent phenomenon (Seiden, 1979).

Hendin (1969) reported that the rate of suicide of Black men between the ages of 20 and 35 in New York City was twice the rate among male Caucasians in the same age group. More importantly, he noted that the pattern had been prevalent for at least 50 years! It was unclear why these data went unnoticed for so long. One possibility might have been that Blacks were not studied separately from the statistics on Caucasians which masked the differences. 

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Another alternative position was that there have been changes in record keeping which resulted in more deaths being recorded as suicide (Schneiderman, 1977). For example, in 1957 deaths resulting from falls were frequently labeled accidents. In 1958, falls from high places were labeled suicide. Thus, the number of suicides increased by merely redefining what constituted a suicide (Schneidman, 1977). The official suicide records were affected by what behaviors were included in the definition of suicide. The definitions are not static or permanent over any period of time. 

 

References

• Bohannan, P. (1960). African Homicide and Suicide. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

• Bush, J. (1976). Suicide and Blacks: A Conceptual Framework.  Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, Winter, Vol. 6, No. 4, 216-222.

• Comer, J.P. (1973). Black Suicide: A Hidden Crisis. Urban Health, August, 1973, 47,2:41-43.

• Davis, R. (1979). Black Suicide in the Seventies: Current Trends. Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, Vol. 9(3), Fall 1979, 131-140.

• Farber, J.L. (1968). Theory of Suicide. New York: Funk & Wagnalls. 

• Freeland, R. (1978). Children’s Stories for Teenage Adults. Freeland Publications, 1978.

• Hendin, H. (1969). Black Suicide. Archives of General Psychiatry,  1969, Vol. 21, 407-422. 

• Holmes, C.E. (1977). An Ethnographic Look at Black Upward Mobility as It Relates to Internalization Versus Externalization Factors in the Increase of Black Suicide. Dissertation Abstracts International, August, Vol. 38(2-B), 902.

• Nichols, E. J.  (1979). The Philosophical Aspects of Cultural Difference. Paper presented at the University of Cincinnati Black Mental Health Symposium, May.

• O’Dea, J.J. (1882). Suicide. New York G.P. Putnam’s Sons.

• Prudhomme, C. (1938). The Problem of Suicide in the American Negro. Psychoanalytic Review, Vol. 25, 187-204, 372-391.

• Rowan, C.T. (1980). Personal Correspondence. CTR Productions, Inc. April.

• Schneidman, E.S. (1977). Guide to the Investigation and Reporting of Drug-Abuse Deaths.  U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare.

• Seiden, R.H. (1979). Mellowing with Age. Factors Influencing the Non-White Suicide Rate.  University of California, School of Public Health (Unpublished Paper).

• Staples, R. (1975). To Be Young and Oppressed. Black Scholar, December, Vol 7(4), 2-9.

• U.S. Bureau of the Census. (1978). Statistical abstract of the United States (99th ed.). U.S. Government Printing Office. 

• Woodford, J.N. (1965). Why Negro Suicides are Increasing. Ebony. July Vol. 20, 89-100.

• The three-hour CE Mbongi on Suicide that I will present this month, will examine the difficulties encountered in attempts to both define and identify suicide, statistics and research, myths of suicide, and how suicide impacts various racial/ethnic groups, people of different sexual orientations, military personnel, and other occupations.  If you have areas you would like to see addressed, drop me a note in my email: Doctorayo@yahoo.com.  Meanwhile, remember you can get help on the suicide hotline 988 24 hours in English and Spanish.  Free services are available at community centers such as Dunbar Community Mental Health Center and ERA Services

• Empowerment Resource Associates, Inc.

1080 N. Delaware Avenue, Suite 202

Philadelphia, PA 19125

215-596-0892 (Phone)

267-319-1390 (Fax) 

 

Chester County Office:

2264 Baltimore Pike

Oxford, PA 19363

610-932-0758 (Phone)

610-932-7744 (Fax)

 

www.eraservices.com

Dunbar Community Counseling Services

4232 Parkside Avenue

Philadelphia, PA 19104

Phone: 215-878-2198

FAX: 215-878-1798

Hours of Operation: Monday – Thursday 9am – 7 pm

Friday 9am-5pm Saturday by appointment

Sunday-closed

Email Contact: info@dunbaragency.com

Email Contact

info@dunbaragency.com

 

Sometimes it is difficult to know how to ask for help. Here are some examples below:

Reach out

When you get a chance can you contact me? I feel really alone and suicidal, and could use some support.

 

Contact a loved one

I don’t want to die, but I don't know how to live. Talking with you may help me feel safe. Are you free to talk?

 

Express your feelings

This is really hard for me to say but I’m having painful thoughts and it might help to talk. Are you free?

Thinking about suicide is a statement of emotional and or physical pain. Seek culturally specific care.  It can make the difference.